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Abstracts (A-L)


Viviane ALLETON (EHESS, Paris). The Migrations of Grammars through Languages: the Chinese Case.

Is the limited reception of the Grammatical Science in China an historical accident or a necessity?
Most of the sciences introduced in China during the Late Imperial period encountered local traditions (e.g. mathematics, botany, medicine, etc.). Chemistry was an exception and also grammar. Both filled empty slots in China. One hundred years later, chemistry is well assimilated, whereas the reception of grammar is still quite limited and considered as a tool of analysis more suitable for foreign languages, namely English, than for the Chinese language. In this paper, I will attempt to explain this situation.
The relative failure of grammar in China cannot be explained by the particularities of the Chinese language. This language is as liable to grammatical analysis as any other language. One point is that it requires a degree of sophistication that may be found in a number of grammatical theories, but not in the oversimplified version that is usually found in the textbooks. When we speak of grammatical rules, we may point out either 1) the rules inherent to every language, which are not necessary conscious, or 2) the knowledge that educated people (literate or not) obtain of these rules by the frequentation of the most beautiful texts of their tradition and from the desire to emulate these texts, or 3) the formalisation of these rules, that was initiated in the Hellenistic time in the West. Usually, when we speak of "grammar", we designate this level.
China had not only the first level, that is implied by the language itself, but also a high degree of the second one, founded on its great literary tradition. In the past, the lack of the third level has been a very common situation in many civilisations. In modern times, China is perhaps unique in resisting the introduction of formalised grammar. Among the causes of the difficult introduction of grammar in China, one may indeed mention the quality of the literary analysis that provides a deep comprehension of the language. However, the focalisation on pedagogy was a more decisive factor.
The Chinese grammars written by Westerners until the end of the xixth century had no real impact on the Chinese educated circles. The first effective attempt to introduce "grammar" in China, was the publication of the Ma shi wen tong, in 1898. This book gave the start to an authentic Chinese linguistic thought. However, the turning point occurred during the first two decades of our century when Ma's masterpiece was attacked both as being overly influenced by Western ideas and as being too traditional because the corpus analysed was entirely in Classical Chinese.
In an unpublished text ( ? 1919), Hu Shi, the major advocate of the baihua, insisted on the continuity of the Chinese language and proposed an adaptation of Ma's system to analyse baihua. This suggestion has not been followed. New grammars were published in the form of textbooks, primarily inspired by Nesfield's English textbooks. The authors provided recipes for dividing sentences in parts, with labels attached to them. Li Jinxi, whose main interest was pedagogical, was the most influential in this group of authors. It is easy to understand that this type of account of their language has no great appeal for the Chinese people.
If we consider the chaotic history of the grammatical thought in the West, we see that a certain degree of complexity had been in many cases the condition for the success of adaptation of this science to unaccounted languages. To deal with grammar without a philosophy of language appears as a short-cut: in fact, it is inefficient.
We must also mention that now there is a considerable bulk of research abroad, as the Chinese language presents some important features, that must be accounted for in any serious general theory of language. In some respects, we are witnessing an "unequal exchange" in which the foreigners find matter for their research in China (i.e. the Chinese language itself) and the Chinese receive almost nothing in this intellectual field -- the achievements of a small group of eminent Chinese linguists has no local impact.

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Iwo AMELUNG (TU Berlin). Naming Physics. The Strife to Delineate a Field of Modern Science in Late Imperial China.

The modern term for physics, wulixue, was first used in China in 1900. It made a stunningly fast career and within a few years became the only accepted term for denoting the fields. While it was common that the names for the sciences which largely were introduced through Japan were adopted late, it is striking that the term for the field of modern sciences which had been among the first to be introduced to China appeared so late. In my paper I will try to trace the fashion in which physics were introduced and received in China during the late 19th and the early 20th century.
I suggest that it was the haphazard pattern of the dissemination of physical knowledge and especially its often deliberately unclear classification among the sciences and arts which made naming it so difficult. The lack of precision and the difficulties of distinguishing the branches of physics from other sciences in the process of reception compromised the different terms employed heretofore to such an extent that only the adoption of a completely new term from Japan could solve the confusion and thus create the basis for establishing physics as a modern academic discipline in China.

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ARAKAWA Kiyohide 荒川清秀 (Aichi University, Tokyo). 日中學術用語的創製和傳播─ 以地理學用語為主 (The Creation and Dissemination of Scientific Terms in China and Japan - Focussing on Geographical Terms).

本文準備主要從造詞法的角度去探討一些以地理學為主的學術用語的產生和傳播的問題。
1 和來源的關係
1•1 來源於拉丁與的詞 ─ “熱帶”“正帶”等
1•2 來源於英語的詞 ─ “海流”“貿易風”
1•3 來源於德語和法語的詞 ─ “冰山”“冰河”
2 日本人造詞的特點
2•1 從“訓讀”到“音讀” ─ “回歸線”
2•2 來源於荷蘭語的詞 ─ “靜海”“半島”
2•3 利用古典詞 ─ “山脈”
2•4 由誤解而產生的詞? ─ “化石”
2•5 由變形產生的詞 ─ “健康”

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Wolfgang BEHR (Ruhr-University, Bochum). "To Translate Means to Change" - a Bird's-Eye-View of the Terms for Translation throughout Chinese History.

From the earliest historical times onwards and, indeed, throughout most of Chinese history, the Chinese-speaking populations of continental East Asia lived in a linguistically strongly diversified environment, which must have been characterized by widespread bilingualism on its fringes, and a considerable dialectal and sociolinguistic layering on the inside. Traces of an awareness of this diversity in Ancient China, however, as well as explicit literary acknowledgements of the constant necessity to alleviate it through interpretation and translation procedures, are pathetically few and far between. The first clear reference to the problem of "translation" in a multiethnical setting comes from the Zhouli (12: 110, SSJ 1338b), where it is stated that "The peoples of the five regions differ in words and languages, as well as in their tastes and desires. To make comprehend their will (da) and communicate (tong) their desires is called 'to confide' (ji) in the eastern regions, 'to map' (xiang) in the southern regions, to 'convey knowledge' (diti) in the western regions, and 'to translate' (yi) in the northern regions."
Proceeding from an etymological analysis of these terms for 'to translate', their inter-relationships and alleged external connections, I will briefly review the governmental institutionalization of translation activities from the Zhou through early Qing periods, discuss a few informal expressions for 'interpreter/translator' in Medieval Chinese, and trace the semantic development from fan 'to turn over' to 'to translate' during the same period. Finally, the veritable explosion of specialized terms surrounding the translation procedures under the Mongol dynasty and the establishment of the siyi guan in 1407 will be outlined.
In the last section of my talk, I will focus on theoretical notions of translational a d e q u a c y , l i c e n s e , and f a i l u r e exposed in Buddhist texts. Since these notions notoriously reappear as contentious issues during the period addressed by the Goettingen project, it is hoped that my little review of the terms for translation throughout Chinese history might eventually shed some light on the 'prehistory' of the precarious balance between preconception and innovation of translation work in late imperial China.

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CHOW Kai-wing (University of Illinois). Translating Race and Nation: Indigenous Practice and Politics in the Invention of the Hanzu Identity in the Late Qing Period.

The paper seeks to show that translation of the notions of "race" and "nation" into the Chinese language in the late Qing needs to be examined in light of the political process of reform and revolution on the one hand, and indigenous practice and conceptualization of kinship on the other.
There was great uncertainty amid efforts of finding the right match for those terms. The final settling with terms like zhongzu (race), minzu (nation), Hanzu (Han race/lineage), zhonghua minzu (Chinese nation) revealed the hybrid nature of any project of translating across cultures. I will focus on the question of how these terms were translated in many different ways in late Qing journals and why certain translation won over others.

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Benjamin ELMAN (UCLA). Reconsidering the "Failure" of the Pre-modern "Chinese Sciences" and the "Triumph" of "Modern Sciences" in China.

This paper is about the contested nature of the interaction since 1550 between Chinese and Europeans over the meaning and significance of natural studies. Unlike the colonial environment in India, where British imperial power after 1700 could dictate the terms of social, cultural, and political interaction between natives and Westerners, natural studies in late imperial China were until 1900 part of a nativist imperial project to master and control Western views on what constituted legitimate natural knowledge. Each side made a virtue out of the mutually contested accommodation project, and each converted the other's forms of natural studies into acceptable local conventions of knowledge. Europeans sought the technological secrets for silk, porcelain, and tea production from the Chinese. Chinese literati borrowed new algebraic notations, geometry, trigonometry, and logarithms from the West. Indeed, the epistemological premises of modern Western science were not triumphant in China until the early twentieth century. Until 1900, then, the Chinese interpreted the transition in early modern Europe -- from new forms of scientific knowledge to new modes of industrial power -- on their own terms.

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FANG Weigui 方維規 (University of Goettingen). 東西洋考“自主之理”、“議會”、“民主”、“共和”等西方概念十九世紀之中譯、 嬗變與使用 (The Translation, Evolution and Usage of Some Western Political Terms in 19th Century China).

十九、二十世紀之交中國士大夫之政治認識與思想言論、尤其是民主觀念之飛躍,經歷了很長的准備階段,肇始于西方民主思想在中國的傳播,而“議會”、“民主”、“共和”等概念之譯介與闡釋,正是暢論民主、取法西洋之濫觴。本文在討論“民主”等概念在中國的譯釋、嬗變及其運用的時候,一方面將推究這些概念之西方源流與時代認識,以考証它們在中國的沿革,查考中國人在西學東漸過程中對這些新概念的認識以及曾經有過的局限﹔不管是正確的認識還是認識之拘囿,都或多或少的受之于西方。另一方面,本文涉及的是几個西方概念的早期漢語表達。翻譯不只是言語形式間的相互轉換或曰符號轉換,而是理解,是一種闡釋﹔尤其是文化政治概念之翻譯,在很大程度上意味著思想之傳導。因此,這里不僅存在對出發語言之概念及其思想的領會,而且還牽涉到歸宿語言的傳會。 “議會”、“民主”、“共和”等概念在十九世紀中葉〔或更早一些時候〕被介紹到中國,但是,直到十九世紀快要拉下帷幕的時候才大概有了眉目,現代漢語中的這几個重要概念,這時才基本定型。〔這里還不排除當時依然與其共處的一些譯詞與表達。〕應該說,這几個概念走出士大夫階層而真正為大眾所知,是在進入二十世紀以后。在這之前,仁者見仁、智者見智,大有各抒己“譯”之勢。有時是一詞多指,有時是多詞同義﹔到頭來,每每很難把握“民主”是指 Democracy 還是 Republic,或者兼而有之。這些就是本文的議題。研究對象限于十九世紀,必要時亦顧及二十世紀初期,并不斷追溯這些概念的西方本源﹔本文試圖理清這些概念的來龍去脈并鉤稽它們的相互關系。

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Gerlinde GILD (University of Goettingen). The Interpretation of "Comparative Musicology (bijiao yinyuexue)" in China by Wang Guangqi (1892-1936).

Wang Guangqi, in conjunction with Li Dazhao, the co-founder of the Youth of China Studies Society (shaonian zhongguo xuehui), was the leading pioneer in the institutionalization of musicology in China. Wang was a student of music in Berlin and was very much influenced by the ideas of the Berlin School of Comparative Musicology (Vergleichende Musikwissenschaft), the idea of an ethnology of music, and the speculative conception of Kulturkreislehre. According to the diffusionist theory of Kulturkreislehre, culture is considered to be monogenetic, created within a specific area from which it spreads throughout the world. Wang Guangqi, attempting to restore the greatness of Chinese culture adopted in his Chinese writings the ideas of the originally Euro-centric conception of Kulturkreislehre and transformed the latter into a speculative Sino-centric theory, transplanting the monogenetic centre of culture onto Chinese soil.

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HAN Qi (CAS, Beijing). Translating Western Ideas into Chinese: F. Furtado (1587-1653), Li Zhizao and their Translation of Aristotle's Cosmology.

As a graduate of the University of Coimbra, F. Furtado (1587-1653) S.J. was sent to China for the propagation of the Gospel. He arrived at Macao in 1620. A few years later he went to Hangzhou where he cooperated with a famous Chinese official scholar and a convert named Li Zhizao in the translation of Western books into Chinese. In 1628, Huan You Quan, a book on cosmology was published in China. It was translated based on a textbook of the College of Coimbra entitled Commenterii Collegii Conimbricensis e Societate Iesu: In Qvatvor Libros De Coelo Aristotelis Stagiritae. It was the first Chinese translation and adaptation of Aristotle's De Coelo.
The Huan You Quan is not merely a translation of the textbook on Aristotle's cosmology. We can find Furtado's opinions on cosmology from theological point of view, especially in the descriptions of the contradictions between new astronomical discoveries and their theological views. By comparison of the Latin and Chinese texts, I will analyse how Furtado and Li Zhizao used the Chinese terms to translate the Western ideas. I would also like to analyse its contents, its relation with Aristotle's De Coelo, the translators' views on cosmology in a more general context.

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Christoph HARBSMEIER (University of Oslo). The Historical Background of the Modernisation of Chinese Terminology: The Scheme of Classical Chinese Conceptual Schemes.

SYNONYMA SERICA COMPARATA (SSC) is a Scandinavian-based joint project between the Department of Chinese, Peking University and the Department of East European and Oriental Studies, University of Oslo, with the active participation of specialists from Harvard University, Shanghai Normal University, and Zhejiang University and the cooperation of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Crucially, the project has been made possible through constant intense cooperation with Jens Oestergaard Petersen, University of Copenhagen, who is entirely and solely responsible for the concrete implementation of the advanced technological features of the database, and who indeed suggested the very format of a database to me at a time when I was still reluctant to venture out into such advanced technology.
The project aims to continue the Scandinavian tradition of the monumental work GRAMMATA SERICA RECENSA by Bernhard Karlgren by providing a convenient database on the core vocabulary of pre-Buddhist classical Chinese. Karlgren's dictionary has long been the standard reference work on the phonetic aspect of the classical Chinese language. (Incidentally, the tradition is an old one in Norway: Bernhard Karlgren's book PHILOLOGY AND ANCIENT CHINA was published in 1926 by the Oslo Institute of Comparative Cultural Research (INSTITUTTET FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING).
At the same time SSC aims to continue the tradition of the HARVARD YENCHING SINOLOGICAL INDEX SERIES which has been the single most important research tool in the history of the philology of ancient Chinese.
I am convinced that our understanding of Chinese cultural history is never going to be much more subtle than our grasp of the basic indigenous conceptual schemes that defined and dominated the culture.
In order to understand a meaning of a classical Chinese word one must determine exactly how it differs from its synonyms within the same semantic field, and how exactly it contrasts with its antonyms, where these exist. The meanings of a word are made precise only to the extent that these are contrasted precisely and explicitly with the relevant synonyms and antonyms. A good dictionary of classical Chinese must therefore be an analytic dictionary of synonyms and of antonyms. In addition, it must take adequate note of the basic etymology of words, based on historical phonology, as well as the secondary graphic etymology of Chinese characters, based on historical epigraphy.
In order to achieve these basic needs, what is needed is a fairly complex relational database.
An Introduction to SSC
A fair number of monolingual full-text databases of early Chinese texts are available. The special additional features of SSC are as follows:
1. SSC provides interlinear bilingual Chinese-English versions of all material analysed;
2. SSC provides semantic and grammatical analyses of all material presented;
3. SSC provides a systematic contrastive survey of the vocabulary of classical Chinese subdivided into ca. 1300 synonym groups.
4. SSC is the first synonym dictionary of classical Chinese in any Western language.
5. SSC is the first systematic dictionary of classical Chinese antonyms in any language.
6. SSC will be the first classical Chinese dictionary where all meanings that can be illustrated with archeological photographs or line drawings will be so illustrated.
Expanding on the great tradition of the HARVARD YENCHING SINOLOGICAL INDEX SERIES, SSC aims to provide bilingual interlinear editions of all the major pre-Buddhist Chinese texts for which authoritative translations are deemed to be available. These internal-use-only preliminary bilingual Chinese-English copies of the most important classical texts serve as an indispensable basis for systematically revised and annotated interlinear translations to be entered and analysed within the SSC system of semantic analysis roughly outlined below. Retranslation and semantic analysis will proceed concurrently, to the benefit of the translations on the one hand and the synonym dictionary on the other.
SSC is organised as a relational database containing at present 13000 lexical entries. Each entry in SSC specifies a given meaning or closely related range of meanings of a classical Chinese word, the synonym group to which this meaning is taken to belong, and the more general semantic category to which this synonym group in turn is taken to belong. In order to facilitate comparisons with Indo-European vocabulary, the synonym groups will be systematically correlated to the entry numbers in Charles Darling Buck's singularly useful compendium, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages. A Contribution to the History of Ideas (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1949, note the convenient paperback reprint 1988). There are also systematic cross references to the entry numbers in J.H.H. Schmidt, Handbuch der lateinischen und griechischen Synonymik (Leipzig: Teubner, 1989) and H. Menge, Lateinische Synonymik (6th ed. revised by O. Schoenberger, Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1978). All this is designed to make SSC into a convenient tool not only for the study of Chinese concepts, but also for the comparative study of the conceptual schemes at least for classical Greek, Latin, and Chinese.
Like Charles Darling Buck, I conceive of the study of conceptual schemes and synonyms as a basic contribution to the history of ideas. A comparison with conceptual schemes in Sanskrit and Hebrew are clearly desirable, and such comparisons would be entirely feasible. But such an expansion of the project is not envisaged for the time being. Comparisons with other important classical languages still play a minor part in the project as it stands today.
For each lexical entry, SSC aims to specify one of about 85 functional and semantic grammatical classes to which a word is taken to belong in a given context. This subclassification of lexemes raises a host of difficult and complex problems, but at the same time it imposes a useful analytic discipline on the enterprise of lexical description. This scheme of classification has been discussed in detail with the relevant specialists and will be judiciously updated as work proceeds. A summary of this scheme, with Chinese equivalents for all the technical terms and prototypical examples is appended.
Each lexical entry in SSC will, ideally, specify, in addition to the functional word-class specification, the following features, where possible and appropriate:
1. the specific semantic nuance, and a short discussion of these special nuances where applicable;
2. short example phrases with English translations,
3. current antonyms; NB: it is found that the specific force of classical Chinese usages is very often most congenially expounded by focussing on available antonyms. These become especially relevant in the characteristic parallelism of classical prose style. In addition to such regular traditional antonyms, the dictionary also provides "logical antonyms" that do not conventionally licence parallelistic usage but do indicate the availability in the language of "logical" semantic antonyms. Finally, there
4. textual exemplifications of the use of the antonyms;
5. the designation of the synonym group and the superordinate synonym group under which an entry is classified;
6. the degree of currency (ranging from extremely current [5] to hapax legomenon [1]); this allows us to distinguish between prevalent senses of a word versus rare occasional senses.
7. the stylistic level (ranging from extremely elevated [3] to extremely vulgar [-3]);
8. archeological illustrations wherever possible.
9. neutralising contexts, i.e. examples giving contexts where the special nuance of a word is neutralised because the word is used for variation in parallelism only and not its specific semantic nuance;
10. contrastive contexts, i.e. examples where the semantic contrasts between near-synonyms described in SSC come out particularly clearly in a given context.
Each entry is linked to a page with a number of translated example passages illustrating the meaning under discussion. These passages are long enough (seven lines on average) to allow one to ascertain the crucial nuances of meaning in full context. In all, the number of such passages analysed in detail so far stands at over 6000. In particular, we have a complete semantic and grammatical analysis of the important 130 000 character philosophical text Hanfeizi, a text which had a formative influence on Chinese political and strategic thinking down to our own time.

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Helena HEROLDOVA (University of Prague). Scientific and Technical Terminology in Chinese Science Fantasy.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze scientific and technical terminology used in the late Qing and early republican science fantasy fiction in order to reveal the principles of construction of the fictional words.
My reading of the novels and short stories such as Yueqiu zhimindi (The Colony on the Moon) by Huangjiang Diaosu, dated 1905, Dian shijie (The Electric World) by Gao Yang, dated 1909, Yuejie luxing (Lu Xun's translation of Jules Verne, dated 1903) or Xin shitou ji (New Story of the Stone) by Wu Jianren, dated 1905, indicates that the fictional worlds in Chinese fantasy are distinct from that constructed in other literary genres, because they depict strange, uncommon realities, although these realities are based on current scientific and technological development.
Scientific and technical terminology used in science fiction are signs whose relation to their referents are more complex than in other genres. Some terms designate the known, common reality. Other terms have no referent known in our common reality. Science fiction authors create signs with imaginary referent which do not exist in our common world or in fictional worlds of other genres.
The paper will include numerous examples of the scientific and technical terms, accompanied with illustrations from the original journals.


Andrea JANKU (University of Heidelberg). Translating a Genre - How the "Leading Article" became the "shelun".

This paper will try to outline the TransFormation of a newspaper genre, that later was to be called "shelun", a genre that evolved in close interplay with the "classical" historico-political discourse of the Chinese literati. When the British oriented press first got hold on Chinese soil, the "leading article" as a genre of liberal political discourse also was introduced into the Chinese cultural environment. At the outset, it had been translated into the Chinese "lun", a genre most prominent in the collections of "jingshi" or statecraft writing and intrinsically connected with the authoritative judgement of right and wrong in historical discourse. Thus a genre that was perceived as being in the service of the state met with a genre that was perceived as being independent from it. It would take several decades' time and abortive efforts of reform and revolt, until the Chinese press had its own "editorial article" (shelun), independent from and critical towards the state, and - as a consequence - always struggling to escape censorship.

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Elisabeth KASKE (Humboldt University Berlin). Mandarin, Vernacular and National Language - China's Emerging Concept of a National Language in the Early 20th Century.

Three terms referring to language have been important in the modern Chinese discourses about language starting form the 90s of the 19th century: Mandarin (guanhua), Vernacular (baihua) and National Language (guoyu). Two of them are new terms - the latter two. They still play a role in Chinese society, if a different one from Late Qing. One - guanhua - did survive mainly in its English form "Mandarin" and as a linguistic name for a dialect region. This paper tries to explore the changing relationship and role of these terms in Late Qing society. In the end a short outlook on their further development is given. Like many other modern discourses in China a new discourse about language started in the 90s of the 19th century. Ideological foundation of new conceptions about language was a new understanding about the functioning of a modern nation and the new role of the people in it. At that time "guanhua" already was a well known and established term describing a reasonably (for a traditional society) well standardised language form with a clear role in society. But the name was not suitable to meet the needs of the new national emphasis. Not a language for the mandarins was needed (although at least one author tried to reinterpret "guan" as "common" (gong)) but a language to speak to the people and to unite the people. "Baihua", meaning the rhetorical opposite of "wenyan" (the classical Chinese written language), was invented by educator-reformers in the circles around Liang Qichao in the late 1890s. It was used mainly as the name for a simple language designed to communicate modern ideas to a broader range of people. In the journals of the Yangzi region it became more and more associated with guanhua shifting away from its older meaning: dialect. "Guoyu", meaning the national language of China, made its way from the Japanese term "kokugo" into China together with the modern concept of a spoken national language (instead of only a unity of the written language). It replaced there the old meaning of "guoyu" which was the Manchu language. Two important points are to stress here concerning the usage of these terms: 1. The new terms "baihua" and "guoyu" (as well as old "guanhua") were referring only to the spoken language. This type of language was well written in newspapers, journals, proclamations etc., but it was not considered as writing. Thus the end of the Qing dynasty saw the emergence of two concepts of national language: "guoyu", the spoken one, and "guowen", the written one. It was the so called Literary Revolution (from 1917 on) starting to unite the two concepts through a new concept of national literature. 2. All three terms were, in the course on the last ten years of the Qing dynasty, used by all participants of the national discourse. It was not yet a matter of political standpoint to monopolise the one term or the other. This happened later in the 30s when the Guomindang made "guoyu/baihua" its official policy, while the communists adopted the term "dazhongyu" (mass language) or later "putonghua" (common language).

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Wolfgang KUBIN (University of Bonn). To Translate is to Ferry Across. Wu Li (1632-1718), Painter, Poet and Catholic Priest.

Wu Li owes his name in the West primarily to his paintings and partly to his poetry. It seems that no one has paid much attention to the fact that he develops a new model for encountering the West in his cycle of nearly 30 poems on Macau. Passing the border to Macau means for him passing from one language to another language and at the same time passing from one strain of thought to another strain of thought. In his transition from China to "Europe" he discovers not only a new world different from the old world he is taking leave from, but he also finds himself changed by new languages spoken around him and by the sound of Christian church-bells. Thus he sees himself compelled to express his new outlook at the world in new words which he is coining from foreign languages.

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Joachim KURTZ (University of Goettingen). Names and Actualities: Translation and Invention in the Discovery of Chinese Logic.

Although logical reflection in a broad sense can be traced back in Chinese intellectual history at least to the 5th century B.C., Chinese scholars were reluctant to come to terms with the occidental science of logic when it was first presented to them in the 17th and once again towards the end of the 19th century. The painstaking translation work of European missionaries and their Chinese interpreters who invented entirely new vocabularies failed to produce any noticeable effect until the beginning of this century. Only then did more or less clear notions of this seemingly most esoteric area of Western knowledge begin to take root in Chinese learned discourse, even if not yet in definite terms. Fueled by enthusiastic statements about the benefit of the "science of sciences", as it was now perceived, for the achievement of "progress", interest in the discipline increased rapidly. Within less than a decade, logic became a standard subject of higher education, and a number of comprehensive textbooks were translated from Japanese, English and Latin that offered reliable, if not always compatible introductions to the field and its various branches.
Almost from the start of this sudden wave of logical interest, Chinese scholars, such as Zhang Binglin, Liu Shipei, Wang Guowei and Liang Qichao, sought to apply the new notions to their own intellectual traditions, thus initiating another, intracultural process of translation that was to result in the "histories of logical thinking in China" with which we are familiar today. More than a decade before Hu Shi and Zhang Shizhao systematized the (fragmentary) evidence into their well-known studies, the first discoverers of ancient China's logical past established an entirely new field of inquiry and negotiated the terms in which it has come to be understood in the 20th century. In my paper, I will reconstruct the complex process of translation and invention that was involved in these pioneering efforts and made the discovery of Chinese logic possible.

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Michael LACKNER (University of Goettingen). China's First Scientific Expedition to the West: the Lieguo zhengyao.

This contribution deals with the printed result of what could be called the first Chinese scientific and systematically organized expedition to the West in modern times. The Lieguo zhengyao ("Essentials of the Political Systems of Some Selected Countries") is the enlarged and enormously successful (four reprints in one year) version of a previous report to the throne.
In a first step, I will try to compare the motives, the institutional background, and the reception of the results of this expedition with its European counterparts, namely the explorations between 1700 and 1830. In contrast to the all-englobing efforts of measuring the world, the Chinese enterprise limited itself to the observation of some selected items which were considered to be useful to the reform of the political system.
The second part will be devoted to the analysis of the contents of the Lieguo zhengyao. There are rather astonishing predilections for special countries, there are, furthermore, interesting disproportions in the representation of various subjects, as, for instance, constitution, political and military organisation, education etc. These predilections and disproportions are also reflected by the degree of accuracy and stability of the terminology used to render foreign names and concepts.

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LAI Chi-kong (University of Queensland). Beyond Lineage Trusts and Partnership: Translating the Concept of Kung-ssu in Late Nineteenth Century China.

This paper will investigate the coming and translating the concept of Kung-ssu in corporate structure in late nineteenth century China. Kung-ssu (literally 'public management') has been defined very broadly in many dictionaries. According to one definition, it is "a generic Chinese term for a range of social and economic configurations that includes everything from business partnerships to clan and regional associations to secret Triad societies. It signifies a kind of corporation or, most correctly, a 'company' in which a group of individuals pooled economic resources and thus received a share in the enterprise." Although Kung-ssu was used in the secret Triad societies, and also in other business groups in 18th-century Southeast Asia, these organizations were different from the corporation or joint-stock company of mid-nineteenth century China, which was also called Kung-ssu. When the term Kung-ssu is used here, it will refer only to this particular form of mid-nineteenth century business and industrial enterprise.
Kung-ssu was often used by Chinese officials in the 1860s to refer to Western business firms. Chinese merchants, such as Cheng Kuan-ying, also often used this term as their base on the discussion of state support for developing Chinese modern enterprises. In late Ch'ing China, the joint-stock company became one of the most attractive institutional models for transforming the traditional Chinese business organization into a modern form. Although the Chinese business organization remained primarily in the form of family firms and partnerships, in the 1870's, companies modelled after Western joint-stock companies began to emerge. In this paper, I will examine this process through the translating of western business knowledge in modern China.

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Michael LAZICH (Buffalo State College). The Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China: The Canton Era Information Strategy.

In the years immediately preceding the Opium War, relations between Westerners and Chinese deteriorated rapidly as tensions escalated over the opium trade and as Westerners grew increasingly frustrated with the 'Canton system'. Wary of the growing possibility of military confrontation, a small group of prominent missionaries and merchants sought to devise a new strategy to break down the cultural barriers that they believed were obstructing more cordial and effective communications. They seized upon the idea of transmitting Western scientific, technological, and cultural information to the Chinese in the hope that it would impress them sufficiently with the achievements of the West to induce them to open more positive and productive exchanges with the foreign 'barbarians'. To achieve this end, the men formally established the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China in November 1834.
According to its founders, the objective of the SDUKC was "by all means in its power, to prepare and publish, in a cheap form, plain and easy treatises in the Chinese language, on such branches of useful knowledge as are suited to the existing state and condition of the Chinese empire." In the few years of its existence, the SDUKC did its best to live up to this promise, publishing a variety of works in Chinese that presented an impressive range of topics and information. Included among these were the Dongxiyang kao meiyue tongjizhuan (East-West Examiner and Monthly Recorder), a periodical that included explanations of Western technology, discussions of natural science, and presentations of world history and geography. Modelled upon a similarly entitled periodical published several years earlier by the Prussian missionary Karl Gutzlaff, this work epitomized the philosophy and goals of the SDUKC.

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LI Guilian 李貴連 (Beijing University). 《法國民法典》的三個中譯本 (Three Chinese Translations of the Code Napoleon).

從十九世紀八十年代到二十世紀八十年代,在中國分別出現了三個《法國民法典》的官方中文譯本。其中《法國律例民律》和《法蘭西民法》正文為晚清譯本。《拿破崙法典(法國民法典)》為中華人民共和國譯本。通過比較這三部漢譯本,不僅可以瞭解中國現代法律術語的演進,同時可以分析近代中國社會觀念的變化。

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Wolfgang LIPPERT (University of Erlangen). On the Origin and Development of the Term "Political Economy" in Japanese and Chinese.

The development of the term "political economy" is typical for the phenomenon that an original word group in ancient Chinese was charged with a new meaning in Japanese in modern times to render a Western model word and then borrow into Chinese as a loan-translation.
The form jing ji, a contraction of jing shi ji min, originally meant "politics", "statesmanship". This term can be traced back to numerous passages in ancient Chinese literature. Jingji was used in this sense in China until the first years of the 20th century.
The term jingji as equivalent for "economy" is obviously a graphic loan from Japanese. Keizai und keizai-gaku ("Economy, "political economy") were already used in the Edo period in Japan; keizai-gaku as equivalent for "political economy" is listed in the Japanese-English and English-Japanese dictionaries as early as 1867, 1869.
In China, the term jingji in the new meaning "economy" and jingjixue as synonym for "economics" emerges for the first time in the late 19th century. These terms had to compete with a large number of Chinese creations, until they became firmly established in the Chinese lexicon.

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Lydia LIU (UC Berkeley). The Desire for the Sovereign and the Logic of Reciprocity in the Family of Nations.

The desire for the sovereign is a complicated love, marked by loss, separation, distance, and longing. The roots of that desire are deeply historical and often traumatic for some people. What it means for colonial and postcolonial subjects is that one cannot possibly live in a mythical state of ambiguity or hybridity except, perhaps, by denying or sublimating that desire. The sublimation of the desire for the sovereign is anything but freedom from the nation. That serves as a starting point for my preliminary investigation of "the sovereignty complex" in colonial and postcolonial subjects.
In this essay, I argue that the sovereignty complex (which is different from the earlier loyalty to the king or emperor) cannot figure itself positively except by making reference to what seems to be the necessary condition of imperial desire in recent history. In fact, that (sovereignty) complex and this (imperial) desire appear to be mutually constitutive and, therefore, should be closely examined on precisely that basis. A case in point is the fetishism of the dynastic throne in the metropolitan museums of the West. Even as the commonplace display of the captured thrones of non-Western sovereigns continues to fascinate today's visitors, the museum seldom tells them how and why those objects arrived there in the first place. The throne, in the form of a spectral seat, is ostensibly unoccupied but seems, in another sense, crowded with old dreams, new fantasies, and much more. What does it all signify? Does it figure the unsublimated imperial nostalgia and the sovereignty complex of the colonized simultaneously?
In the first section of my essay, I try to offer some tentative answers to the above questions. What I intend to do is to link the display of the thrones of Emperor Qianlong in British museums to significant moments of sovereign thinking in the reign of Queen Victoria of the British Empire and the Empress Dowager of China at the turn of the century. In section two, I move on to discuss Ku Hung-ming's extraordinary sovereignty complex and, in particular, his famous defense of the Empress Dowager as guomu or "the mother of the Chinese nation" during the Boxer uprising (1900). As we know, the ultimate suppression of the Boxers led to the organized looting of Chinese artefacts by the Western powers and their possession of some of the thrones from the Emperor's xinggong (palaces for royal excursions) and other palaces, which then raised a series of issues for international law. In the final section, therefore, I turn to the contemporary theories of international law and ask how nineteenth-century Euro-American jurists revised the notion of sovereignty to arrive at a new constitutive theory of recognition in the heyday of imperialist expansion. I conclude by reflecting on the consequence of this major paradigmatic shift from natural law to positivist jurisprudence after the latter had successfully displaced the former's notion of universal sovereignty.

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Last modified: November 23, 1999 by Joachim Kurtz