When they were in China the Jesuit missionaries produced a good deal of material in Chinese with the idea of introducing various aspects of foreign culture to the Chinese literati. In some of these works, prepared with the assistance of Chinese scholars, they referred to subjects previously unknown to the Chinese. In so doing, they were obliged to solve the problem of how to render completely new foreign names and ideas in the Chinese language. Several of these Chinese works have been studied for their cultural value, in terms of their contribution to the mutual understanding of cultures. To date, too little interest has been shown in their linguistic value, namely their use as a source for tracing the origin of lexical innovations, introduced into the Chinese language by the missionaries, and subsequently preserved in that language. Although the contribution of the missionaries in this field cannot be compared to that of Protestant missionaries in China during the xixth century, it is by no means negligible and deserves to be studied in detail.
It is widely known that psychiatry is a Western invention of the 19th century. The attempt at introducing and transferring this Western cultural product into China has been tightly connected to the various activities of medical missionaries (e.g. establishing the first and only asylum for the insane at Canton in 1898). In the 20's of the 20th century, Western medical missionaries and physicians conducted "Mental Hygiene Campaigns" in Canton in order to show the Chinese public the importance of mental hygiene to national health, focussing on the relationship of insanity to crime etc. The indigenous Chinese perception of madness at that time can be outlined by two basic constants: The lack of any institutionalisation of care for the insane and -- at the epistemological level -- the medical discourse on madness nowhere mentioned "mental" problems, although "mental" categories are clearly distinguished. The fundamental interwovenness which is inherent in the "medicine of systemic correspondences" did not allow the extraction of one single organ or element as a single location for the outbreak of illness, However, developing Western psychiatry of the time focussed strongly on the concept of the brain as the locus for "mental illness".
In both religious and philosophical spheres James Legge's Chinese Classics (first edition, 1861-1872, second partially revised edition, 1893-1895) stands as the watershed in 19th century translations and interpretations of the Ruist/Confucian traditions. What has been completely overlooked by those who recognize the significance of this massive opus is Legge's philosophical moorings in Scottish "Commonsense" Realism. It is from this philosophical tradition and its connection for a post-Humean advance in Protestant Christianity in Scotland that Legge obtained the categories for providing specific translations of Ruist metaphysical terminology (in translations as well as later retranslations). In addition, its methodologies were inherent in the construction of the more complicated commentarial discussions Legge attached to the bottom of the page under these translations. Here we intend to describe the influences, and point out how they shaped the metaphysical terminology Legge encountered in the Chinese Classics.
In an international environment of threatening interference from without and growing national consciousness within, the four books and five classics did not longer seem sufficient for the demands of the moral education in Late Qing. New social and political 'virtues' such as behaviour for the common benefit or patriotism had to be introduced. The examination of textbooks for the moral education at that time is a direct way to look how these western derived values and ideas which were theoretically discussed among Chinese intellectuals were put into practice. This paper focuses on the Zuixin chudeng xiaoxue xiushen jiaokeshu published in 1906 by the Shanghai Commercial Press. The text is of particular interest for two reasons. It belonged to the first textbook series which was exclusively written by Chinese according to the regulations by the Ministry of Education for the newly established schools. Though influenced by western pedagogical methods it was not based on western textbooks. Secondly as they were intended for the education of primary school students these textbooks had to explain the new 'virtues' in an easily accessible way, suitable for that level. Since an understanding of western ideas could not be presupposed at a primary level they had to be placed and introduced within the familiar realm of Chinese thought and ways of understanding, thus giving a new meaning to both. In my paper I want to show which 'virtues' were chosen for the primary school level and how moral behaviour was defined. In addition I will examine in which way western influenced new 'virtues' were introduced, and whether or to which extent they were transformed through the interpretative explanation given to them in the series.
This paper focuses on the terminology and textual conventions of hygienic discourse in the early Republican decades and the impact of this discourse on concepts of gender roles, the body, and the family. Hygienic texts served as an important site for the convergence of ideas on nationalism, racial evolution, and science. Much hygienic literature was widely distributed and hygienic education was considered to be a crucial component of national strengthening. In addition, since many hygienic texts specifically focused on the health of women, the family, and children, these texts played a crucial role in the medicalization of female sexuality, family life, and parenting, all of which were turned into objects for a scientific analysis. Nationalistic rhetoric functioned to make formerly private spaces, such as the womb, the household, and the temporal space of childhood, into public spaces, where the interests of the nation-state take precedence over the individual. In this paper, I examine the ways in which hygienic discourse used language to co-opt the private, in the name of the state. In particular, I explore areas of hygiene such as fetal education (taijiao), household hygiene (jiating weisheng), and child rearing. Primary sources for this research are comprised of hygienic texts that were intended for a broad audience, as opposed to those found within specialized medical publications. In the conclusion of this paper, I consider the long-term relationship between the individual and the nation-state in twentieth century China and examine the interplay between this early rhetoric of social control and later Communist discourse.
中國古器物學的歷史也相當久遠，但沒能像歐洲的古器物學在19世紀發展成考古學。在歐洲，史前學也是在19世紀發展並成長起來的。然而，在19世紀下半葉的西學東漸中，考古學和大多數其他人文科學與社會科學一樣，沒有被介紹到中國。 實際上，西方和日本的探險者和考古學者在中國的探險和考古遠早於考古學概念在中國的出現。早在1860年，John Anderson即在雲南採集石器。自1863年至1900年，印度Mohamed-i-Hameed，英W. Johnson 和D. Firsyth，瑞典Sven Hedin，義E. H. Giglioti，俄D. Klementz，日鳥居龍藏及匈牙利M. A. Stein等在中國西北和東北及其他地區從事考古和盜掘。但他們並沒有給中國帶來考古學知識。 甲午戰爭特別是庚子事變後，學習日本､翻譯日籍蔚為時尚，且以人文科學和社會科學書籍為多。考古學和史前學便是20世紀初年通過日本介紹到中國的。 1900年，章太炎在《中國通史略例》中，表現出他接觸了西方考古學。1901年梁啟超準備編寫一部中國史，涉及到考古學和史前學，表現出他的史前史概念相當全面，並能結合中國傳說對中國史前史進行考古學分期。1902年，留日學生汪榮寶主要根據坪井九馬三的《史學方法論》編寫的《史學概論》，在《譯書匯編》雜誌發表。汪氏對考古學內涵的說明較梁啟超明晰，並闡明了日本學者已注意到考古學在人類學和歷史學歸屬上的差異。在這裡汪榮寶首先將考古學介紹到了中國。1902年，章太炎欲新修《中國通史》，闡述了地下考古發現與歷史研究的關係。這一問題，留日學生李浩生在其翻譯浮田和民《史學原論》（譯本作《史學通論》，1903）中亦有涉及。1903年，蔣智由在《新民叢報》發表《世界最古之法典》，介紹了法國人1901年發現《漢漠拉比法典》，並將中國傳統的古物學與西方考古學做了比較區分。同年，劉成禺將其《歷史廣義內篇》中的《有史以前之人種》在《湖北學生界》發表，介紹考古學三期說以及瑞士湖居遺址和埃及壁畫的發現。1907年吳淵民編譯的《史學通義》在《學報》發表，比較系統地介紹了考古學史和研究現狀。 而考古學在中國，則是20世紀20年代西方考古學者與在西方受正規考古學教育的中國人一道建立的。
In Chinese texts on physics from the turn of this century, the reader encounters a unique form of counting physical entities. It was a common convention to use 'two-member' numeral expressions, like "er wuti" ('two bodies') or "er san shijian" ('two or three time intervals'), which contained a numeral in combination with a noun. This construction is similar to European languages like English and German. Hence, in this special case, the concepts (and meanings) of the expressions used to indicate physical entities in both Chinese and European languages could be exactly the same.
The introduction of Western international law in China commenced with two translations of a short text from Emmerich Vattel's book Law of Nations included in the 1847 60 juan edition of Wanguo gongfa. That text never gained much influence in the Chinese relevant discourse, and it was therefore not until W.A.P. Martin translated Henry Wheaton's Elements of International Law and had it published by the Tongwenguan in 1864 that China started forming a vocabulary for the rules of international cooperation and conflict. It is generally assumed that international law and the relevant vocabulary was introduced in China mainly after the Japanese influence early this century. Several other texts on international law was, however, translated into Chinese between 1864 and the turn of the century. Some of these were translated by Martin and published by Tongwenguan, such as Theodore Dwight Woolsey's Introduction to the study of international law (1877); Johann Caspar Bluntschli's Das moderne Voelkerrecht der civilisierten Staaten als Rechtsbuch dargestellt (1880) and William Edward Hall's A Treatise on International Law (1903). There were, however, also other prominent Western translators active in the dissemination of such texts in China in Chinese, primarily John Fryer (William and Robert Chambers' Homely words to aid the Government (?) 1885; Robert Joseph Phillimore's Commentaries upon International Law 1894; Edmund Robertson's "International law" in Encyclopaedia Britannica 1894 and Jan Helenus Ferguson's Manual of International Law 1901) and Young J. Allen (Thomas Joseph Lawrence's Handbook of Public International Law 1903). In addition there was also a number of Chinese natives active in translating and composing texts on international law in China during this time, such as Lian Fang, Qing Chang, Ding Zuyin, Cai E, Yuan Fei, Fan Diji, Tang Caichang, Lin Qi, Ye Kaiqiong, Yan Xianzhang, Dan Tao and Ye Yaoyuan These texts and their different techniques for translating the concepts and terms of Western international law formed the basis on which the later current language of international law was built in China. In this paper I will present some of the preliminary results of a comparative study of these texts and the way in which different translators choose to translate essential terms in international law. By comparing the different vocabularies with a later current Chinese language for international law I will tentatively also show which of these traditions and translators were most prominent in formulating the Chinese vocabulary on international law for the 20th century.
Cultural concepts and artifacts evolve with time and diffuse across linguistic boundaries through words. Contact between the West and China in recent times is a good example in which the sociolinguistic history shows a predominantly uni-directional influence of West over East in the domains of science and technology.
明代以來的歐美傳教士他們都帶著聖經和《伊索》例中國。 最早把《伊索》翻成中國話的還是利瑪竇。他在《畸人十篇》中把幾篇伊索寓言翻成中文。 在明代最完整的伊索中文本是由金尼閤的《況義》。其它還有龐迪我的《七克》或者艾儒略的《五十餘言》裡也有伊索寓言。金尼閤的《況義》大概是繼所龐迪我的《七克》的。 但是在伊索中文本裡頭，不管翻譯的質量，數量，普及還是中國語言學上的價值等等，從哪個方面來看最放異彩的是羅伯聃的《意拾喻言》。 這次我將通過這個《意拾喻言》的語言特征和那裡的文體，還有對“官話”的描寫來探討歐美人學的中國話是怎樣的東西。
Whereas the linguistic aspect of the transmission of Western knowledge has recently become a focus of several academic studies, very little is known about the agents of this process. Western sciences found their way into China trough the offices of merchants, officials, and most importantly missionary or secular newspapermen. However, no study has hitherto dealt with the specific cultural and social background of these persons involved.
The study, organized as a bricolage and first foray, investigates various segment of a disconnected discourse on labor and work in China. An analysis of the political and social implications of changing definitions of labor in PRC dictionaries and handbooks shows the tactical uses of the status of physical labor in Communist parlance for the promotion of factional intertests. An analysis of the linguistic matter from which the term is made up, especially the notion of dong, in the late Qing and early Republican periods, shows the marginalization of work/labor at a time when the articulate reform elite was pushing for politcal change. The study of the origin of the term laodong in the Japanese rodo shows that it is unique in being a creation of the Rangaku movement, and in the late 18th century served to translate a Dutch local dialect term slooven, backbreaking work. Only in the 1880 it was eventually standardized as the translation term for labor and compounds such as Labour Party. The study of the place of labor in time led to metropolitan Shanghai, where since the 1870s a clear separation between times of hard work and times of perfect leisure (Sunday) became widely accepted by the different communities, and eventually media and other entertainments sprang up to fill this new space. Finally, a study of the place of labor, especially farm labor, in the value hierarchy of Imperial Confucianism as present in the myriad editions of the Shengyu showed efforts to prod farmers to forego the temptations of turning into merchants or traders with the prospect of their work being recognized as a foundation block of the state, securing a stable and enduring social status and dignity to their families and their descendants, and transforming their character to the point of their not being different from the shi, the scholars whose character had been honed by reading correct books.
The author deals with the translation method employed by the translators in the Translation Department of the Jiangnan-Arsenal, the most productive institution for translating Western scientific books into Chinese during the Self-strengthening movement.
Debates over the proper rendering of the Christian concepts of the utmost deity in the Chinese language, or commonly called the Term Question, served as a source of division and even bitterness among different missionaries in China.
Much has been said about the problems of rendering a text into a foreign language, and many scholars have attempted to make comparisons and identify differences between the source-language and target-language texts. But recent theories in translation studies suggest that one should go beyond mere textual comparisons, as translations are not done in a vacuum, but within a particular social, political and literary system. To see the real significance of a certain piece of translation or translation activity, one should look into the contexts in which the translation is produced.
European astronomical instruments were introduced into China by such missionaries as Matteo Ricci, Johann Terrenz, Jacques Rho, Adam Schall von Bell and Ferdinand Verbiest during the 17th century. Majority of the instruments were new knowledge for the Chinese.
檢閱近現代漢語學朮用語的形成過程可以看到一個明顯的現象，那就是這些用語不是一朝一夕形成的。而是經過一個或長或短的過程才定型。因此我以為應該引入過渡詞與定型詞這兩個概念。 一個學朮用語如何從過渡形式變為定型，反映了中西思維的差異，傳統的不同，文化的區別以及語言體系的迥異。 定型過程有几種方式﹕一是從音譯詞變誠意譯詞，如從萊塞變成激光。中國是一個文化大國，不大愿意采用音譯詞，故許多音譯詞的生命都不長。即使勉強保留的，也經過字形上的歸化，如從葡桃到葡萄。二是意譯詞變為音譯詞，如從名理，論理，名學到邏輯。這是罕見的現象，在任何一種意譯都無法表達西文原有的抽象概念時才予采用，與唐代譯佛經時的五不翻原則有繼承關系，三是同為意譯詞，如從土股到半島，四是從生造詞到移譯詞，如何選擇，如從資生學、計學到經濟學。除了這四種以外，還有其他過渡形成。本文打算選擇有代表性的二十個詞，分類分析其從過渡詞到定型詞的變化。希望這一研究將有助于理解上述所說的中西雙方的各種差異。
摘要：在晚清西方地理學在中國傳播的過程中，自然地理學新詞是一個非常重要的問題。因為中國傳統地理學側重於地理嚴格的考訂和社會歷史的記述，而比較忽視對於自然地理環境本身的形態及其變化規律的探索，所以在譯述西方地理學時，所能利用的自然地理詞匯非常有限。本文通過對抽樣統計的138個晚清地理學文獻中流行的自然地理學新詞的考察，指出晚清中外學者高度重視明末清初來華耶穌會士的漢文西書中留下的一批地理學新詞及其譯詞方法，闡明了19世紀末20世紀初漢譯地理學文獻在創立自然地理學新詞的過程中，與日本學者有著廣泛的交流。特別是20世紀初，隨著留日高潮的掀起，日文自然地理學譯詞通過大量的日書中譯本湧入中國。這部份新詞大致可以分為音譯詞（"奧昔司"Oasis）_移譯詞（"暖流"Warm current）和意譯詞（"赤潮"Red tide_"等高線"Contour line），意譯詞數量最多，約佔近50%。現代中國地理學界使用頻率較高的一些地理術語，在20世紀初的前十年已出現在中文地理學文獻裡。甚至遠遠地超出了地理學的領域，如"層累"（Stratigraphic sequence）。其中大部份的譯詞今天仍顯示著強大的生命力。 關鍵詞：晚清，自然地理學新詞，影響
URL of this page: http://www.wsc.uni-erlangen.de/99abs2.htm
Last modified: November 23, 1999 by Joachim Kurtz